Defending the leader

The subject matter on last night’s Tonight with Vincent Browne was tribunals.

When Journalist Frank Connolly made the reasonable point that it was only because of the tribunal that we learned of Bertie’s ‘loans’ ‘gifts’ and ‘very unusual’ banking habits’ the usually unflappable Fianna Fail TD, Sean Ardagh lost the run of himself.

With anger and indignation on a par with Ray Burkes infamous ‘line in the sand’ challenge to those who had the temerity to question his credentials Sean defended his leader.

“It is most unfair to have this type of innuendo, rumour, false allegation without anybody being here to defend themselves. It’s the type of stuff that’s going in the papers and that Bertie Ahern has got to subject himself to month after month. Its disgraceful type of journalism, gutter press of the lowest kind…All of the stuff that you’re putting out Frank, it’s totally vitriolic type of rubbish that only a certain few journalists use and are normal with…I just can’t abide the kind of stuff they write.”

Much to my disappointment (but I suspect to Vincent’s relief) the show ran out of time.

Hilarious denial

Journalist John Drennan, writing in Magill magazine in September 2005, defends Charles Haughey in what can only be described as the most amazing (and hilarious) case of political denial in Irish history. There is no need to analyse the article, the quotes speak for themselves.

Why Haughey was never found to be corrupt:

“Mr. Haughey was merely following precedents set by such illustrious figures as O’Connell and Parnell.”

Reason for perception that Haughey was corrupt:

“Haughey’s ‘corruption’ is the fantastical creation of a petit bourgeoisie of Tim Healy-style hysteria mongers, whose insipid viciousness explains their expertise in the price of everything and their ignorance about the value of anything.”

Haughey’s love of beautiful things:

“The narrow minded shrieks of false incomprehension about Haughey’s elevated desire to possess beautiful things failed to understand that the sort of Gatsby who appreciates beauty within the personal realm is far more likely to seek to replicate this in public.”

On Haughey’s ‘fiscal probity’:

“Mr. Haughey did make money courtesy of some good advice from patriotic sources.”

On taking money from businessmen:

“Of course Mr. Haughey did take money from Ben Dunne and other public-spirited businessmen. However, this was for life-style as distinct to political purposes.”

On Haughey’s ‘insourcing’ of the FF leader’s allowance:

It was in payment for putting his home at Kinsealy at the service of the nation.

On Haughey’s tax problems:

“Mr. Haughey did have some minor tax problems. However, unless you are in love with the lifeless technicalities of accountancy it would be easy to believe a gift is not a salary.”

On Haughey’s refusal to cooperate with tribunals:

“Some would argue that a refusal to obey those semi-legal, amoral instruments of oppression that collude with simpering creeps like Frank Dunlop as both try to save their respective skins was a genuine act of patriotism.”

Real reason for hatred of Haughey:

“The hatred of Haughey is all about the challenge he posed to a society which was petrified by notions of class…” (Quotes PJ Mara; ‘Haughey’s enemies thought they were ‘the fucking aristocracy.’).

Ireland without Haughey’s type:

“…a dandified, foppish, lattefied, hygiene-obsessed, anti-smoking and anti-drinking (unless it’s a glass of red wine for the heart) school of bourgeois.” “…a hissing, pissy, sanctimonious hysterical desert, which could only be invented by the petite bourgeoisie.”

Drennan ends the piece by suggesting that it would serve the people of Ireland right if Haughey and his family were to deny them the ‘great reward’ of a state funeral.

“After all, Mr. Haughey knows better than anyone that betrayal is never rewarded.”

(Brian Lenihan, I suspect, would disagree. Haughey made a tidy sum by betraying his ‘friend’).

Personally, I was delighted that Haughey opted for a state funeral and even more delighted to learn that he made all the decisions and arrangements himself in the arrogant expectation that the people of Ireland would turn out in their droves to pay homage to a ‘great statesman’. His final selfish scheme, like his entire life, was a failure.

So, what have Mr. Drennan and Magill magazine had to say since the publication of the Moriarty Report? Well, er. Nothing, absolutely nothing.

Sending some letters

Fianna Fail Junior Minister Tony Killeen is in trouble because he sent letters to the Minister for Justice seeking the early release of a sex offender. He defends himself as follows:

He only meant the letters to raise the issue of the sex offender’s deteriorating health and an alleged prison assault but couldn’t prove this because the letters were ‘accidentally’ deleted from his computer.

He accepts that the minister did respond to his pleas but he did not see the minister’s letter because his staff did not show it to him.

He says he ‘failed to see’ a letter sent to him by the Minister which made clear that the sex offender would not be given early release.

So, a misunderstanding of his intent, a defective computer, incompetent staff and a missed letter are all to blame – not Mr. Killeen.

To top it all, Mr. Killeen is using a public relations firm to help ‘explain’ his case – I wonder who’s paying the bill?

Courage and graft

I finally got to see the much praised film The Wind that Shakes the Barley. It brought back the great personal sacrifices that those people made for independence. Death, injury, torture and the loss of family, financial and career opportunities.

One comment in particular caught my attention. Just before one of the principal characters executed a British landlord and one of his own IRA men for informing, he said something like – I hope the country we’re fighting for is worth it.

I wonder what these people would have thought of Bertie Ahern’s recent whine that he was unfairly treated over his prostitution of ministerial office for money from Manchester businessmen.

Justice delayed – until after election

It is now over three years since Fianna Fail TD, Michael Collins was found to have had a bogus offshore account. Since then he has been charged on two counts; cheating the Office of The Collector General by applying for a tax clearance cert at a time when he had undeclared tax liabilities and obtaining a tax clearance cert by false pretences.

The Director of Public Prosecutions has dropped the first charge, no reason was given – it’s a state secret.

Action on the second charge has been adjourned until July because; according to Mr. Collins’ defence counsel

“the accused is a member of the Oireachtas, which was now at a particular stage in the electoral cycle.”

The curious thing is Mr. Collins has already announced his intention to retire from politics, so why has justice been put on hold until after the election?

The more cynical among us could be forgiven for thinking that this apparently seamless cooperation between the justice and political systems is designed to avert any political embarrassment for the principal government party.

Acceptance of large gifts

Our duty is to guard our country and our democratic system from any taint or suspicion of corruption, and to remove any obvious or possible source of danger. While in the terms of the Tribunal’s Report ‘no political impropriety’ has been shown to have occurred, the acceptance of large gifts or payments or personal benefits in a surreptitious manner or the large scale evasion of tax and exchange control regulations by even one or two senior serving politicians or members of Government is deeply damaging to trust in politics, and a serious breach of it, and every effort must be made that is humanly possible to ensure that it cannot happen again.

Bertie Ahern, speaking after the publication of the McCracken report.

I disclosed my financial records to the Tribunal. It is deeply regrettable that these confidential records appeared in a newspaper.

The House will be aware that arising from financial pressures I encountered at the time of my separation, a number of my friends decided to come to my assistance. The loans I received from my friends totalled £39,000, that is £22,500 plus £16,500. I wish to confirm to the House that on Friday I repaid each one of these loans with interest calculated at 5% per annum compound and at a total cost of €90,867.

Bertie Ahern, in a statement of October 2006.

Ahern's inconsistencies

Sarah points out an article by Colm Keena in the IT today, where he quotes Bertie Ahern’s speech after the publication of the McCracken Tribunal report. Here is the quote from the Dail archive:

In so far as I could with little available records I am satisfied, having spoken to the person who administered the account, that it was used for bona fide party purposes, that the cheques were prepared by that person and countersigned by another senior party member. Their purpose was to finance personnel, press and other normal supports for an Opposition leader. There was no surplus and no misappropriation. The person involved had sole control of the account. The money came in, the person lodged the cheque, dealt with the bills and invoices and paid those not covered by the ordinary allowance. The account as far as her excellent recollection goes was normally short, not the other way around. I have spoken to her at some length. She has served many Taoisigh beginning with Mr. Jack Lynch. We consider her to be totally honourable.

It is fair to ask the question now, what on earth is Ahern on about?

Let’s look closer at the payments made out of the Leader’s Allowance. I will quote at length from Tribunal transcripts, this one from July 14th 1999, Mr Coughlan speaking. It is pretty instructive on the amounts involved:

The Tribunal has examined the administration of the Party Leader’s Allowance by Fianna Fail during the period of Mr. Haughey’s leadership and also in the period since he ceased to be leader. The Tribunal has obtained Memoranda of Evidence and statements from Ms. Eileen Foy, who was involved in the administration of the account; from Mr. Bertie Ahern, the Taoiseach who was one of the signataries on the account; and from Mr. Sean Flemming, a senior executive in the Fianna Fail party in the period following Mr. Haughey’s retirement as leader.

Mr. Haughey has been asked to comment on the material to which I have already referred to and on the material to which I will now refer in slightly more detail but has made no comment.

The Tribunal has obtained from the Department of Finance a Schedule of the amounts paid to Mr. Haughey as leader of the Fianna Fail party in the years from 1984 to 1992 and they were as follows:

1984: £181,215.
1985: £189,950.
1986: £196,612.
1987: £78,056.
1988: £90,666.
1989: £93,107.
1990: £113,207.
1991: £123,137.
1992: £12,033.

The allowance was paid monthly in installments by way of payable order made out to Mr. Cathal O’hEochaidh, TD. This explains why the payment for 1992 was a mere payment of £12,033 as Mr. Haughey was no longer the leader of the Party after February of that year.

The Leader’s Allowance was operated in the main from a current account at Allied Irish Banks, Baggot Street. With the consent of the Fianna Fail party, the Tribunal has obtained access to some of the remaining available records relating to the account. The account was opened in the name of Haughey, Ahern and MacSharry, namely Mr. Charles Haughey, Mr. Bertie Ahern, and Mr. Ray McSharry, and the account number was 30208-062. The Tribunal has examined drawings from the account between February, 1984 and November, 1992 and the drawings from the account between those dates are as follows:

28th February, 1984: £12,310.45.
26th March, 1984: £10,000.
10th May, 1984: £20,000.
22nd June, 1984: £5,000.
6th July, 1984: £5,246.
3rd August, 1984: £10,000.
10th August, 1984: £12,828.47.
25th October, 1984: £5,400.
2nd January, 1985: £5,000.
9th April, 1985: £5,821.20.
20th September, 1985: £5,338.20.
7th October, 1985: £5,000.
23rd April, 1986: £10,000.
29th April, 1986: £5,195.39.
29th April, 1986: £10,000.
21st May, 1986: £20,000.
5th August, 1986: £10,000.
29th October, 1986: £25,000.
12th November, 1986: £10,000.
5th September, 1986: £5,666.81.
9th January, 1987: £5,000.
5th August, 1987: £5,000.
9th November, 1987: £5,000.
4th January, 1988: £7,509.20.
6th April 1988: £5,700.
14th July, 1988: £6,649.95.
26th September, 1988: £6,832.82.
1st December, 1988: £5,767.11.
27th February, 1989: £6,995.55.
24th April, 1989: £11,173.76.
21st June, 1989: £25,000.
22nd June, 1989: £5,758.95.
20th July, 1989: £47,090.56.
21st September, 1989: £25,000.
5th October, 1989: £10,720.
11th October, 1989: £20,000.
2nd November, 1989: £5,000.
12th December, 1989: £9,724.37.
28th December, 1989: £5,073.53.
7th March, 1990: £5,727.23.
22nd March, 1990: £13,600.
30th April, 1990: £8,830.37.
19th October, 1990: £5,440.
4th February, 1991: £8,332.34.
13th February, 1991: £12,914.50.
4th April, 1991: £5,000.
11th September, 1991: £10,000.
18th September, 1991: £7,500.
10th October 1991: £5,750.

Now, these figures identified by the Tribunal are the major drawings on the account and those which are in excess of £5,000. There were of course lesser drawings on the account. The Tribunal has drawn the attention of some of the individuals dealing with the account to the fact that there appears to have been a substantial number of round sum withdrawals from the account and, in particular, to the fact that a number of these round sum withdrawals were in the form of payments to cash. Copies of some of the cheques drawn on the account have become available to the Tribunal and from these cheques, it appears that on the 4th April, 1991, a cheque was drawn on the account in the sum of £5,000 payable to cash. This cheque was signed by Mr. Bertie Ahern, An Taoiseach, then the Chief Whip and by Mr. Charles Haughey, then the Taoiseach;

That on the 11th September, 1991, another cheque was drawn on the account in the sum of £10,000, again payable to cash and signed once again by Mr. Ahern and also by Mr. Haughey;

That on the 18th September, 1991, a further cheque in the sum of £7,500 was again payable to cash. The signatories on the account were Mr. Ahern and Mr. Haughey;

On the 16th June, 1989, a cheque payable to cash was drawn on the account, this time in the sum of £25,000. This was also signed by Mr. Ahern and Mr. Haughey.

The Tribunal has not been able to obtain every cheque in respect of round sum withdrawals from the account. However, from the table I have just referred to, it will be clear that there were very substantial round sum lodgments in other years than the years in which the cheques I have just mentioned were drawn. Sorry, I should have just said where I used the word lodgments, I should have said drawings.

For instance, in 1984, £50,400 in round sums were withdrawn. In 1985, the sum of £10,000 in round sums were withdrawn. In 1986, the sum of £50,000 and in 1989, the sum of £75,000 in round sums were withdrawn.

During most of this time, the account was administered either in part or in whole by Ms. Eileen Foy. Ms. Eileen Foy was an employee of Fianna Fail from 1977, initially as Secretary to the Head of Research. She has informed the Tribunal that that at the time, the Research Office was part of the Leader’s office. The Leader was Mr. Jack Lynch. She has informed the Tribunal that the Head of Research was at that time responsible for the administration of the Leader’s Allowance and as the secretary to the Head of Research, she was involved in a lot of clerical administrative work in relation to the accounts through which the allowance was operated.

She has informed the Tribunal that in 1977, when Fianna Fail went into Government, the Head of Research left the employment of the party and she became the Secretary to a number of backbench TDs and senators but she retained the function of administering the Leader’s Allowance, much as she had done when working as secretary to the Head of Research. In other words, it would appear that Ms. Foy continued to fulfill the function of administering the account notwithstanding the fact that she no longer reported to the Head of Research, but to a number of backbench TDs and senators.

During this time, Mr. Lynch was still the Leader and he did not cease to be Leader until December of 1979 when he was replaced by Mr. Charles Haughey, TD. Following Mr. Haughey’s election to the leadership of Fianna Fail, Ms. Foy was asked by Mr. Haughey to work as secretary to the then Chief Whip, Mr. Sean Moore, TD. The Chief Whip’s office was attached to the Taoiseach’s office and Ms. Foy continued to operate the Leader’s Allowance while working as secretary to Mr. Moore.

Fianna Fail were out of Government from 1982 to 1987 and, while in opposition, Ms. Foy began to work for Mr. Haughey and when Fianna Fail were returned to Government, Ms. Foy continued to operate as one of Mr. Haughey’s private secretaries until his retirement as Taoiseach and as Leader of Fianna Fail in February, 1992. During all that time, she continued to be responsible for the administration of the Leader’s Allowance.

The day-to-day operation of the Leader’s Allowance entailed writing cheques on the bank account to which the payments from Central Funds were lodged. The writing of cheques from this bank account required two signatures. There were three authorised signatories on the account, Mr. MacSharry, Mr. Bertie Ahern and Mr. Haughey, but cheques required two signatories only. Ms. Foy was responsible for keeping the cheque books, preparing the cheques for signature and ultimately obtaining the signatures of the requisite authorised signatories on them.

The actual payment of the Allowance was by way of a cheque in favour of the party Leader, in the case of Fianna Fail in favour of Mr. Haughey. Ms. Foy has informed the Tribunal that Mr. Haughey would endorse his name on the back of the cheque and give it to her to lodge in the Party’s bank account and these lodgments she made personally at Allied Irish Banks in Baggot Street.

It appears that all debits from the account were by way of cheques written on the account. Ms. Foy has informed the Tribunal that she kept details of all cheques in a ledger in which she would note the date of the cheque, the payee, the sum, and the purpose for which the cheque was drawn; that during the period in which she operated the account, there were two or three ledgers. In addition, files were kept for some period of time but it would seem that as the office from which the account was administered moved from time to time, these may not have been retained as the records of the accounts were transferred from office to office. Also, Ms. Foy would have noted the payee and/or the purpose of the cheque on every cheque on the cheque stub as she was preparing the cheque. Neither the files, the cheque stubs, nor the ledgers are now available.

Because the cheques to which I have already referred contain the signatures of Mr. Ahern and Mr. Haughey, Ms. Foy was asked to comment on the signing of cheques and she has indicated that although in addition to Mr. Ahern and Mr. Haughey, Mr. MacSharry was also a signatory, she did not recall asking him to sign cheques and would not have so requested him after he left Dublin on his appointment as European Commissioner in 1989. The system she used to obtain a signature on a cheque was that generally she would ask Mr. Ahern to sign a number of blank cheques in advance of her completing the details and that she would then retain those cheques until she had completed the details. Once the cheques had been completed by her, she would go to Mr. Haughey’s office with a list of the cheques, and the invoices to which they related and that Mr. Haughey would go through each item and that having satisfied himself that the cheques were in order, would then sign them. Ms. Foy’s recollection is that the cheques were used to meet a range of expenses out of the Leader’s Allowance of which the main areas were expenditure in respect of Research, Press, and Party Leader’s Office and the salary of people employed in that office.

The Tribunal has drawn a number of cheque payments and withdrawals from the account to the attention of Ms. Foy. It is the cheque payments made out to cash on which Ms. Foy has been asked to comment. She has stated that she has no specific recollection of cash drawings from the account, nor any recollection of any purpose for which such cash sums may have been applied. However, she has informed the Tribunal that it is possible she may have cashed cheques for some of the round sum figures I have just mentioned. From the Tribunal’s point of view, if Ms. Foy did not cash these cheques, then it is a question as to how they were cashed and as to what use was made of the cash obtained.

In the period during which Ms. Foy administered the account, that is during Mr. Lynch’s period in office and during Mr. Haughey’s period in office, there was no outside scrutiny or control of the Leader’s Allowance other than that of the Leader himself. In order to further scrutinize the manner in which cash monies appear to have been raised using cheques drawn on this account, the Tribunal has sought access to the various books in which the dealings on the account were recorded, i.e., the ledgers and files I have already mentioned. Ms. Foy has stated that she has no knowledge of what happened to the lodgers and other records after her resignation following Mr. Haughey’s replacement as Leader of Fianna Fail by Mr. Albert Reynolds, TD. Although all of the contents of Mr. Haughey’s office appear to have been put in boxes as part of his movement out of the Taoiseach’s office, Ms. Foy is not in a position to say whether these items were specifically included in Mr. Haughey’s boxes.

Following Mr. Haughey’s resignation as Party Leader and the resignation of Ms. Eileen Foy, the administration of the account was taken over by Mr. Sean Fleming. Mr. Fleming proposed to the new Leader of Fianna Fail, Mr. Albert Reynolds, that the Party Leader’s account should be administered by the Fianna Fail Head Office and that the party would maintain separate books, records, bank accounts and financial accounts in relation to the account and that there would be a separate audit carried out on the funds from each accounting period. Mr. Fleming has informed the Tribunal that Mr. Reynolds agreed and the account has been operated along those lines ever since. The system now being operated as set up by Mr. Fleming originally entails the preparation of a list of payments at Fianna Fail Headquarters. This list with accompanying cheques which already have been made out is submitted to the Party Leader for signature and also to the second signatory for co-signature by him. If, due to their schedules, politicians are not available to sign cheques, then cheques would instead be issued on Fianna Fail Headquarters’ own account and, in due course, that bank account would be recouped out of the Party Leader’s account. In the ordinary way, full accounts are written up at the end of each year and these accounts are audited and reported on by an independent firm of accountants, Messrs Coopers & Lybrand. This system has continued in operation since Mr. Ahern became Leader.

Mr. Ahern has provided the Tribunal with a Memorandum of Evidence concerning his involvement with the account during the tenure of office of Mr. Charles Haughey. He has informed the Tribunal that he has no recollection of ever having signed a cheque made out to cash in any significant amount. Mr. Ahern has informed the Tribunal that because of the volume of transactions through the account, combined with the necessity for the regular writing of cheques, a practice of pre-signing blank cheques was put in place for administrative convenience. A series of cheques would be pre-signed by a signatory on the account and thereafter the appropriate co-signatory would sign the cheque with the details of the payee and the amount of the cheque duly inserted thereon. Mr. Ahern has informed the Tribunal that he believed that as the account was being administered by a highly competent and efficient administrator and book keeper, the conduct of the account was believed to be proper and that, in addition, there was no evidence of any irregularity applying to the use made of the cheques which were drawn on account in this way.

With respect to the cheque of the 16th June in the amount of £25,000 and made payable to cash, Mr. Ahern has stated that this cheque was drawn at or about the time of the 1989 General Election, which was held on the 15th June, and he has stated that he believes that the likelihood is that he pre-signed a series of cheques in advance of the election date to allow the account to be operated so that normal business and trading debts could be discharged promptly. Mr. Ahern has informed the Tribunal that the cheque does bear his signature, but that the writing of the word “Cash” and the amount “£25,000.00” both in numbers and in manuscript, is not in his writing and he believes that the cheque was one of the category of pre-signed cheques signed by him in accordance with the practice I have just described. So far as the other cash cheques mentioned already by me are concerned, Mr. Ahern’s position is the same in that he would not have signed them with any words or figures on them and that they must therefore have been pre-signed by him.

Its attention having been drawn to the Leader’s Allowance and to drawings from that account, the Tribunal examined the credits to the Haughey Boland No. 3 account. That is the account already referred to in the Tribunal’s hearings from which payments were made to Mr. Haughey as part of the Haughey Boland bill paying service. The Tribunal has considered whether there is any connection between drawings from the Leader’s Allowance account and lodgments to that Haughey Boland No. 3 account.

It has not been possible, due to the absence of documents and bank records at Allied Irish Banks, to track withdrawals from Allied Irish Bank Baggot Street, Leader’s Allowance account. However, the Tribunal has noticed what appears to be a direct correspondence between two drawings from the Leader’s Allowance account and they are as follows:

Firstly, on the 24th April, 1986, there was a credit of £10,000 to the Haughey Boland No. 3 bill paying service account, an account operated for the benefit of Mr. Charles Haughey and on the same date, there was a withdrawal by way of a cheque in the sum of £10,000 from the Leader’s Allowance account.

Secondly, on the 29th October, 1986, there was a credit of £25,000 to the Haughey Boland No. 3 bill paying service account and on the same date, a drawing by way of cheque from the Leader’s Allowance in precisely the same amount, £25,000.

The Tribunal will wish to examine this material from a number of different standpoints. Firstly, the Tribunal will wish to examine the account of the Leader’s Allowance as a potential source of funds in accounts operated for the benefit of Mr. Haughey. From the Statements made available to the Tribunal, it would appear that certain aspects of the operation of the Leader’s Allowance account will require further scrutiny in the course of the evidence. They are the fact that a number of cheques on the account, of which copies are now available, appear could have been drawn on the account payable to cash in large round sums. These cheques share a number of features. Firstly, there is now no record of the purpose for which the cheques were drawn. The Administrator of the account has no recollection of the purpose for which the cheques were drawn and cannot remember whether she herself was involved in the drawing of them or in the cashing of them. The cheques appear to have been cashed at Allied Irish Banks, Baggot Street, the branch of the Bank in which they were drawn. They appear to have been signed by the co-signatory Mr. Haughey after they had been signed by Mr. Ahern and Mr. Ahern appears to have signed them in blank. In circumstances in which one of these cheques for £25,000 payable to cash was lodged to an Amiens account controlled by Mr. Des Traynor, the Tribunal will wish to examine evidence to ascertain whether any of the other cash cheques could have been lodged to that account or to any other accounts for the benefit of Mr. Haughey and whether, in addition, other circumstances ought to be taken into account in answering these questions, including the circumstance that two large round sum withdrawals from the Leader’s Allowance account in 1986 correspond with two equivalent credits to the Haughey Boland account from which Mr. Haughey’s bill paying service was operated.

While the Tribunal will wish to consider the aspects of the Leader’s Allowance I have just mentioned in the context of the sources of funds in accounts operated for the benefit of Mr. Haughey, it may also be necessary to consider the account in the context of payments made to Mr. Haughey. In other words, the examination of the account appears to be relevant both to Terms of Reference (a) and (b) of the Tribunal’s Terms of Reference.

So far as Term of Reference (a) is concerned, that is to say the term of reference dealing with payments to Mr. Haughey, the Tribunal’s examination of lodgments to the Leader’s Allowance account suggest that between the year 1984 and 1992, with one exception, the lodgments appear to exceed the total amount of the Leader’s Allowance. The documentation and records available to the Tribunal has not enabled the Tribunal to examine precisely the correlation between individual lodgments to the account and the payment of individual installments of the Leader’s Allowance. For this reason, to distinguish between the total amount of lodgments in any one calendar year and the total amount of the Leader’s Allowance in any one calendar year, might not give precise indication of the excess of lodgments in the account in any one year over and above the amount of Leader’s Allowance for that year. However, in a number of years between 1984 and 1992, the amounts lodged appear to be substantially in excess of the amount of Leader’s Allowance for the relevant years and in 1986 and in 1991, they appear to have been in excess of the Leader’s Allowance to the extent of something in the order of £100,000 and in 1989, the amount seems to be in excess of the Leader’s Allowance in the order of £200,000, more or less.

The additional lodgments appear to have been mixed with the installments of the Leader’s Allowance paid from Central Funds. From the information available to the Tribunal to date, it has not been possible to identify the source of these additional lodgments. However, to the extent to which they appear to constitute the funds of third parties, that is parties other than the State by whom the Leader’s Allowance was supplied, they may represent the source of payments to Mr. Haughey in those years. It is certainly a question as to whether any of the payments to Mr. Haughey or to the accounts for his benefit in 1986 and 1989 could amount to payments within the meaning of Term of Reference (a).

Turning now to payments from Irish Permanent Building Society:

A number of documents have been made available to the Tribunal by Irish Permanent Building Society on the basis that they appear to be relevant to the Tribunal’s Terms of Reference. Of the documents made available, two consist of cheques drawn on Irish Permanent Building Society’s account with the Bank of Ireland in favour of Mr. Charles Haughey. Each of these cheques was dated the 7th June, 1989. One is in the sum of £20,000 and the other is in the sum of £10,000. Each of these cheques was made payable to Charles Haughey and each of them was signed by the same two directors of the society, namely Dr. Edmund A. Farrell and Mr. Enda Hogan. These cheques appear to have been lodged to the Dublin Airport branch of the Bank of Ireland. Each of the cheques was paid on the 15th June of 1989. Mr. Haughey has been asked to comment on the cheques and on the fact that they were so lodged but has, to date, not done so.

Celtic Helicopters, a company which has featured in the proceedings of the Tribunal already, has an account at that Bank’s branch at Dublin Airport. An examination of the Celtic Helicopters account at the Dublin Airport branch of the Bank of Ireland indicates that the sum of £30,000 was lodged to that account on the 7th June of that year. It was withdrawn some short time later on the 21st June. The withdrawal was by way of a cheque. The Tribunal does not have a copy of that cheque.

At the time of the payments to Mr. Haughey on the account of the Irish Permanent Building Society, the Society made a number of other payments to the three largest political parties, i.e. Fianna Fail, Fine Gael, and the Labour Party. These payments appear to have been connected with the then impending General Election. The payment to Fianna Fail was for £65,000, Fine Gael was £25,000, and the payment to the Labour Party was £10,000. The cheque stubs corresponding with each of the cheques describe the payments as follows: To Fianna Fail and Fianna Fail parties as “Subs”. The payment to the Labour Party is described as “Contribution”. The payment for £10,000 to Mr. Charles Haughey which appears to have been lodged to the Bank of Ireland Dublin Airport account of Celtic Helicopters, is described on the cheque stub as a “Sub”. The cheque for £20,000 made payable to Mr. Haughey and which also appears to have been lodged to the Celtic Helicopters Dublin Airport Bank of Ireland account is described as “B. Lenihan”.

In the accounts of the Irish Permanent Building Society, the document which appears to be in the nature of a cheque journal or analysis book refers to each of the four payments I have just mentioned. They are described as “Political Subs”. No distinction is made in the entries on the journal as between the political parties nor is any reference made to Mr. Charles Haughey himself.

The Tribunal has sought information from Dr. Edmund Farrell and Mr. Enda Hogan, the signatories on the two cheques. Dr. Farrell is endeavouring to obtain further documentation in order to assist the Tribunal and will be in a position to provide a Statement or a Memorandum of Evidence at that stage. A Statement has been furnished to the Tribunal by Mr. Enda Hogan, the other signatory of the cheques.

Mr. Hogan has informed the Tribunal that each of the cheques was signed by him after they had been signed by Dr. Farrell. He has informed the Tribunal that he has a recollection that at some time he was told by Dr. Farrell that the late Mr. Brian Lenihan was going to undergo a liver transplant operation and that Dr. Farrell thought that the Irish Permanent should make a contribution towards his expenses. This is Mr. Hogan’s response to the fact that the cheque stub in respect of a cheque for £20,000 made payable to Mr. Charles Haughey contains a reference to “B. Lenihan”. Mr. Hogan does not, however, appear to have been aware of this at the time the cheque was countersigned by him. He has no recollection of countersigning the cheque payment for £10,000 to Mr. Charles Haughey but assumes that it was a political contribution.

Mr. Hogan has also informed the Tribunal that shortly after he joined the Society in 1983, he recommended that if any political contributions were to be made to the Fianna Fail party, contributions should also be made to the Fine Gael Party and the Labour Party. He has also informed the Tribunal that the decision as to the amount that each party should receive was made solely by Dr. Farrell and also that, as far as he is aware, all requests for political contributions were handled by Dr. Farrell and that his, Mr. Hogan’s, only function was to countersign the cheques and that he dealt with no person other than Dr. Farrell in relation to any of these requests for political contributions.

Mr. Hogan as also informed the Tribunal that he is not aware whether any other members of the Board of the Society or any Executive of the Society was aware of the writing of the cheques or of the beneficiaries of them, apart from Ms. Margaret Coyle, Dr. Farrell’s secretary. He has also informed the Tribunal that he understands that there is no reference in the Board Minutes to any of these payments and has stated that it would have been normal at the time for Dr. Farrell to make decisions on these matters without reference to the Board.

The Tribunal will wish to examine whether there were any other payments by the Building Society or by any of its Directors to Mr. Haughey and whether the payments I have just mentioned in the amount of £20,000 and described as being for “B. Lenihan” was used for the purpose envisaged or for some other purpose.

Haughey is a criminal

Charles Haughey, former Prime Minister of the Republic of Ireland is a criminal.

One of the most damning facts to emerge from the Moriarty Tribunal that was published today is the fact that Haughey robbed nearly €200,000 from a fund set up to save Brian Lenihan’s life.

I just want to repeat that in my own words – Haughey was the type of individual who robbed money from another human who needed that money for a life saving operation.

Today is a (rare) good day for justice in Ireland

New depths of stupidity

We witnessed a good example of Irish political stupidity on last Monday’s Primetime special on RTE 1. Junior Health Minister Tim O’Malley was being interviewed about the lack of psychiatric care for children.

Here’s some brief background; there are only 13 psychiatric beds for children in Ireland. Norway, with a similar population has 30 times as many. Many reports have been commissioned and allowed gather dust over the last 40 years. After each report politicians promise that action will be taken and then break their promise by doing nothing.

There are now more than 3,000 children on a waiting list just to get their first psychiatric assessment, never mind actual treatment. As a result of this political incompetence and neglect, thousands of children and their families are condemned to endless suffering.

This situation is not unique. Incompetence, neglect and corruption are rampant at practically every level of Irish society and in particular within the public and civil service.

O’Malley, however, plumbed to new depths of ineptitude when he couldn’t even lie effectively. When he was challenged about the disgraceful waiting lists he blamed the doctors.

He claimed that they deliberately ensure that waiting lists reach into the hundreds because it makes them feel very powerful. There could be no misunderstanding of what O’Malley was saying and what he meant.

Naturally, there was anger and outrage within the medical community, so you would think that even someone as stupid as O’Malley would accept that he was wrong to make such allegations and apologise. Not our Tim, his silly explanation added insult to injury.

“I regret if a couple of sentences, taken from a lengthy interview, gave an impression that I was of any different opinion,”

Fine Gael’s Dr Liam Twomey described O’Malley as a stupid, ignorant, arrogant fool.

That’s just about right.

Corruption – Alive and well

There is a belief within a good section of the Irish media that the bad old days of corruption are behind us. Planning corruption, for example, is almost always talked about as if it doesn’t happen any more. But of course, it is still rife, it’s just that the corrupt are a little more careful now in case they end up giving evidence before a tribunal.

Sometimes, we get examples of ‘the good old days’ of blatant corruption. The Irish Times recently reported such a case. Members of North Tipperary County Council convened a special meeting to force county manager Terry O’Niadh to break the law.

They want him to grant planning permission for an unauthorised development to a Mr. Duggan, a businessman who has already being convicted for non-compliance with planning laws.

While Fianna Fail is by far the most corrupt political party in Ireland, this case is a reminder that the disease of corruption has infected all the main political parties.

Fine Gael, the so called party of law and order and the Labour party are also supporting this attempt to break the law.